Two
newspapers compete for the title of the most well-read paper in Israel - the veteran
"Yediot Ahronot", which began to appear even before the establishment
of the state, and "Israel Hayom" (nicknamed "The Bibinews”) which
was established in competition a few years ago.
Their
competition is not on precisely equal terms - "Yediot Ahronot" is a commercially
successful business. Its readers pay five shekels in cash at the stall or take
out a subscription; advertisers pay the fees appropriate to its widespread
circulation. On the other hand, "Israel Hayom" is distributed free on
the streets and its advertising fees are extremely low. This newspaper would
have gone bankrupt long ago if not for the constant flow of millions of dollars
every month from its owner, the gambling magnate and Netanyhau’s big friend Sheldon
Adelson, who owns a large empire of casinos, especially in Macau, China. (A
recent news item disclosed that Prime Minister Netanyahu tried to obtain for
Adelson the franchise for yet another casino, in Japan - but the Japanese were
stunned by the request and rejected it out of hand.)
Of
course, there is a political difference between the two newspapers. "Yediot
Ahronot" is considered to be very hostile to Netanyahu. In the past week it devoted much
space to the scandals related to Sara Netanyahu, the Prime Minister's wife, who was among other
things accused of recycling empty bottles which are property of the state and taking
the proceeds to her own pocket. "Israel Hayom" strongly condemned "Yediot Ahronot"
and declared its rival to be "The Pillar of the Leftist Media". Of
course Israel Hayom supports enthusiastically and without reservation all of
the Prime Minister’s positions, and the headlines of the freely distributed paper
often look like pure elections propaganda. (After all, that's exactly what Sheldon
Adelson expects for the substantial sums he pours into the free daily.)
Still,
on one issue "Yediot Ahronot of the leftist media” and “Israel Hayom” of
the staunch Bibi fans plaid the same tune, as two instruments in a harmonious
orchestra. On Tuesday, the Israeli Defense Force awarded decorations and commendations
to soldiers who have excelled during the last summer’s fighting in the Gaza
Strip. In both "Yediot Ahronot" and “Israel Hayom”, the editors
considered this ceremony as the main news of the day, and the two papers carried
identical banner headlines: "We Salute!" under which appeared photos of
the soldiers whose bravery got properly recognized. On the inside pages there
were extensive items giving at length the personal stories of individual soldiers,
under such headings as "The face of the beautiful Israel" and “Thank
you, our Heroes".
"Yediot
Ahronot" chose especially to focus on the personal story of a combat medic
who during the fierce battle at Gaza’s Shuja'iyya Neighborhood saved at the last
moment the life of his seriously wounded commanding officer. Of course, as is
habitual in such accounts, there appeared at the end of the article the medic’s
self-effacing words: "I do not consider myself a hero, not at all. I just did my duty, nothing more."
"Yediot Ahronot"? The Battle
of Shuja'iyya? This reminds me of something. One day after that battle, Gush
Shalom tried to publish in Yedioth
Ahronoth a paid ad with the following
text: "Enough! The bodies of civilians are
piling up in the streets of Gaza. Dozens of children were killed. Israel is
sinking into a new swamp in Gaza. Enough! We must end the bloodshed and lift
the siege of Gaza. There are no military solutions. Only
negotiations can achieve a quiet border ". The advertising department
of "Yediot Ahronot" refused to take it ("We don’t publish political ads").
Of course, also this week, in publishing the detailed stories of soldiers from
that war, the newspaper did not find it necessary to make any mention of the
bodies of civilians and children which were strewn on the streets of Shuja'iyya
(and of several other locations in the Gaza Strip).
Investigation
in depth of the darker sides of the war in Gaza is left to others, such as the commission of inquiry appointed by
the United Nations Human Rights Council. The Israeli media did carry this week
some exciting news about this investigation. Not about the findings of the
investigation, which have not yet been completed, but for the resignation of the
commission’s chair – the Canadian jurist, professor William Schabas. This was
hailed in the headlines as "a resounding success for Israeli
diplomacy!" The diligent researchers employed by the government of Israel discovered that in the past
Professor Schabas wrote for the PLO a legal opinion on the Palestinian attempts
to gain recognition at UN institutions – and hence, that he was not an unbiased
investigator. In order to let the debate stay focused on what happened in Gaza rather
than on his own personality, Professor Schabas chose to announce his resignation. But sober Israeli commentators
suggested "not to rejoice too soon", since "Schabas resigned, the
report will be written also without him, and the State of Israel will not look
good there."
"The
Human Rights Council of the United Nations is a biased and prejudiced body, it deals
with Israel more than with any other country. We should reject out of hand any
report published by it" declared the angry Prime Minister Netanyahu.
Indeed, the Human Rights Council is not made up of Human Rights activists; like
other UN institutions, it is composed of Ambassadors appointed by the
governments of UN Member States, and each of these governments has its own specific
agendas, interests and various considerations as to what should be investigated
and what should not . Those who sit there clearly find it easier to unite
around the demand to investigate the IDF's misdeeds than to look into those of
various other armies (though since the start of the civil war in Syria, the Human
Rights Council issued several sharp condemnations of the Assad regime).
If
the investigations of the Human Rights Council of the United Nations are biased
and prejudiced, what of the investigations which the State of Israel conducts
of itself, of its own army and soldiers? Also there, it is difficult to discern
an objective and unbiased investigation. True, the IDF military police did
uncover several cases of soldiers looting money and valuables from Gaza Palestinians,
and these seem about to stand trial ("A soldier who during a battle devotes
his time and energy to searching for valuables and putting them in his pockets,
is not only acting immorally but also deserts his comrades-in-arms and
betraying his duty to devote his full attention to the fighting").
But
when some brazen military police investigators sought also to look into the
orders and circumstances which to the massive artillery bombardment of civilian
neighborhoods and dozens of civilian bodies lying in the streets, there was a
very loud outcry. Hundreds of retired officers came out in protest at the idea
of an investigation - or, God forbid, a prosecution – of their fellows still in
service ("It is inconceivable that an officer giving operational orders in
battle would need to seek advice from a lawyer!"). Minister Naftali
Bennett came out in outspoken defense of "the soldiers and officers, Our
Heroes" and took up the slogan “We have stopped apologizing!" as the
centerpiece of the elections campaign conducted
by his Jewish Home Party. Also Defense Minister Moshe " Boogie"
Ya'alon expressed "his firm hope" that no investigation be opened against IDF officers regarding their operational
activities in Gaza. And which military
police investigator or military prosecutor would be bold enough to spoil the
firm hopes of the Defense Minister?
And
so, the clock continues to tick towards the moment when the State of Palestine’s
adhesion to the Rome Statute comes into force, enabling the Palestinians to
file charges at the International Criminal Court against Israeli officers, for acts
committed in territory which is internationally recognized as part of the State
of Palestine. It would be rather difficult for the State of Israel to rebut such charges on the grounds that Israel itself
has already carried out a comprehensive and independent investigation of the cases in question. But,
anyway, it seems likely that the Palestinians would focus more on an issue
where Israel has an even more difficult case where international law is
converned: itsf involvement in the establishment
of settlements in Occupied Territory.
Meanwhile,
the neighborhood of Shuja'iyya remains devastated and ruined, as are several
other locations in the Gaza Strip. Building materials enter Gaza only by a thin
trickle, and last week UNRWA announced the termination of its assistance to those
trying to reconstruct their homes; very little was actually provided, of all billions
promised by many countries for rebuilding the Gaza Strip promised. In last
month’s intensive storm and bitter cold wave, several homeless Gazans froze to
death – which did not get much media attention. This week, after a new series
of attacks on Egyptian troops in Sinai, General Sisi tightened once again the
Egyptian part of the siege of Gaza, which just happens to complement and
reinforce the Israeli part of the blockade. (Was Hamas or any other body in
Gaza involved in the Sinai attacks? Probably, Sisi did not really conduct any
intensive inquiry...). Out of the Strip come cries despair and dire warnings -
"Gaza is on the verge of explosion."
The
girl Malak al-Khatib also suffered greatly from that cold wave, being held at a
cell in Hasharon Prison, dressed only in the light clothes which she wore at
the time of her arrest. A 14 years old eighth-grader at Beitin village near
Ramallah, she was arrested on the last day of 2014 near her school, and was charged
with having thrown stones at Israeli soldiers. Hurling stones at soldiers is a
common act among young Palestinians under Israeli occupation (although, in most
cases, by boys). Malak al-Khatib was questioned without the presence of either parents
or lawyer - a regular occurrence in the Occupied Territories, even though it
contravenes the international rules concerning the interrogation of minors.
The
interrogators also accused her of carrying a knife in her school bag with the
intention of stabbing soldiers, and warned that if the knife were added to the charge
sheet it would result in a years-long imprisonment. In fact, no one ever saw the alleged knife. Malak
al-Khatib, a 14 year old girl alone in the interrogation room and the cold cell
and having no access to legal advice, agreed to sign a "plea bargain"
and admit to throwing stones. The deal was brought before the judges of the
military court at Ofer Camp, and in less than five minutes the trial was over and
she was sent to two months’ imprisonment. It is not sure that the case of Malak
al-Khatib is the most horrific thing that happened in the Palestinian
territories in recent times - but as sometimes happens, she became a symbol and
gained a lot of attention, even in the newspapers
of faraway Pakistan and Algeria (but not in the Israeli media, too busy with other issues...)
A
few days ago a protest vigil was held in Tel Aviv, on the sidewalk between the
towers and helipad of the Ministry of Defense on one side and on the other the
Sarona Compound, newly-inaugurated center of the city’s nightlife. About a hundred
activists turned up, among them Knesset Members Dov Khenin and Haneen Zoabi of
the joint electoral slate which brings together the political forces representing the Arab population in
Israel (and Jews who feel solidarity with that population). Signs were spread
out : "Free Malak al-Khatib!" / "150 minors in prison - stop!"
/ "Close down the Ofer Prison, dismiss the Judges of the Occupation!"
/ "Down with the Occupation!".
Three
boys and one girl walked past the protesters, leading their bikes. "What is
this about?" asked one of them. "We are demonstrating here to protest
the imprisonment of a girl, a girl the same age as you. Come, join us!".
The boys looked at the signs, smiled sheepishly and moved on.
"Boogie,
Boogie, hey hey hey – how many kids did you kill today!". This chant,
originating at American protests against Vietnam War, had already been taken up
at Israeli protests many years ago, inserting either the name or the nickname
of the current Defense Minister, as best fits the rhyme. "It's not exactly
the most appropriate slogan for today" say some of the participants. After
consultations the chant is changed to “how many kids did you arrest today!"
and after a moment to “how many kids did you kidnap today!" – which was
kept up until the moment of dispersal. "He calls it arrest or detention, as
far as we are concerned it is a plain kidnapping" emphasized Dr. Anat
Matar of the Philosophy Department at Tel Aviv University, a veteran protester.
And there was another well-known chant: "Boogie, Boogie, it is no joke
– go to Hague, to the dock!”. Somehow, today this seems just a bit little less of
Science Fiction than on the previous occasions when this chant was heard.